Bytes and Bullets, 2 December, Brussels
Ladies and gentlemen,
A very warm welcome to our conference:
“Bytes and Bullets: Europe in a Strongmen World.”
Let me begin by thanking Henna Virkunnen, our keynote speaker today and Radmila Shekerinska, Deputy Secretary General of NATO who join us also today – and to all of you for joining us.
Thankfully, we have strong women — to stand up to the so-called strongmen I will talk about soon.
A few words on why we are here:
First, on geopolitics today.
Second, on the pressing threats we face.
And third, on what Europe needs to do.
First — Europe in a Strongmen World
Our theme today is not an exaggeration.
Developments over the past weeks with evolving peace plans for Ukraine show clearly:
Europe risks becoming a secondary geopolitical player.
And that
the model that carried us for thirty years —
cheap goods from China,
cheap energy from Russia,
and cheap security from the United States —
has collapsed.
And in its place, we face something far more dangerous:
The new Strongmen Syndicate of:
The revisionist Russia under Strongman Putin,
The assertive China under Strongman Xi,
And the unpredictable America under Strongman Trump,
And in this new Wild West and Wild East,
Europe still plays by the old rules.
But we are surrounded by actors who increasingly play by power.
This is the world we must prepare for.
This is the world that demands Europe grow up strategically — fast.
Second — the pressing threats we face
Some dismiss war in the European Union as hyperbole.
It is not.
Hyrbrid threats are already here.
Drone incursions over Danish and Belgian airports.
Sabotage on rail lines in Poland.
Violations of airspace in Romania and Estonia.
Persistent cyberattacks on our grids, ports, and banks.
Europe is already under hybrid attack —
in the air, on the seas, in our fibre cables and data centres.
At the centre of this is Ukraine.
It remains the frontline of European defence.
These hybrid strikes are part of Russia’s divide-and-distract playbook.
We cannot wait for the perfect architecture three years from now
while cheap drones disrupt our airports today.
Security is no longer something that happens far away.
It is happening above our heads.
I wanted to share that I was in Washington recently.
One message for me is clear: we cannot be held randsom to the zig-zagging of US politics.
And whatever happens next, Europe will have to carry far more of its own security.
Meanwhile Russia is ramping up its military-industrial output faster than any European state.
China is tightening its grip on critical minerals,
and politicising supply chains.
We are entering a world shaped not by polite diplomacy,
but by hard power — where scale matters, speed matters, and resilience matters.
In all this, I welcome the European Commission’s efforts and the rising defence budgets across NATO.
This shift is crucial.
Third — What Europe must do
We must not repeat the mistake of Brexit — where people felt decisions were made above them, not with them.
So I see three essential elements for Europe:
1. Bring citizens on board
We must explain clearly:
Defence is not a burden.
It is an insurance policy.
And deterrence is always cheaper than conflict.
We must build a European preparedness mindset.
Scandinavian countries lead the way.
Europe must follow.
2. Stay the course on Ukraine
I credit President Trump for shifting the conversation toward ending the war.
But to end it, we must change Putin’s calculus.
As long as he thinks he can win, he will not seek peace.
Europe, NATO and the United States must give Ukraine real security guarantees —
including a reassurance force behind the front lines, backed by air and naval protection.
3. De-risk from autocracies
Europe can no longer separate economics from security.
China, in its collaboration with Russia’s war machine, is no longer a safe partner.
Over-dependency on China is bad for business,
bad for security,
and bad for democracy.
So Europe must de-risk from the strongmen.
In the new global super-league of hard power, we cannot sit in the lower divisions.
To gain real leverage in Ukraine and beyond, we must strengthen our own capabilities
— without losing sight of our democratic values.
This is why I advocate for a D7 — a Democratic Seven — linking Europe with Japan, Australia, South Korea and other like-minded democracies.
If we do not build such alliances, we will only make the strongmen stronger.
So let me close with this:
Europe must seize this moment.
We have the industry.
We have the innovation.
We have democratic partners — from Japan to South Korea to Canada.
And we have public support, if we speak clearly and honestly.
What we need now is speed, scale, and seriousness.
Because the world is changing fast —
and Europe must change faster.
Thank you.
For more information, please contact our Senior Director for Communications, Daniel Puglisi, at dpu@rasmussenglobal.com