Rasmussen Global, Europe’s leading independent geopolitical advisory firm, announces the appointment of six new Senior Advisors, with strong European foreign and security policy experience and industry know how.

Together, they will bolster Rasmussen Global’s ability to support democratic governments, global institutions, and major European companies in navigating an era of geopolitical uncertainty and strategic competition.

The new Senior Advisors are:

• Susanne Wiegand
• Gilles Vanden Burre
• Gunnar Wiegand
• Sebastián Laiseca Segura
• Major General (ret) Lars-Olof “Hibbe” Corneliusson
• Niels Buus

Welcoming the new Senior Advisors, Fabrice Pothier, CEO of Rasmussen Global said.

“Europe faces unprecedented geopolitical challenges—from war on its borders to competition for technological and industrial leadership. Our new Senior Advisors will bring further expertise to continue advancing Rasmussen Global’s mission: strengthening freedom, security, and prosperity.”

This expansion comes in addition to Rasmussen Global’s Advisory Council, announced earlier this year, which brings together former senior European policymakers including Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Mircea Geoană, Gabrielius Landsbergis, and Lord Mark Sedwill.

Active as of today, the Senior Advisors will contribute to Rasmussen Global’s work on critical issues such as European and transatlantic security, industrial competitiveness, energy resilience, emerging technologies, critical raw materials and the reconstruction of Ukraine.

About Rasmussen Global

Rasmussen Global is Europe’s leading independent geopolitical advisory firm, based in Brussels, Copenhagen, Berlin, Madrid, and Kyiv — at the centre of European and transatlantic decision-making. Our mission is to help democracies and their industrial and technological champions navigate an increasingly volatile geopolitical environment.

Biographies of new Senior Advisors

Susanne Wiegand, Former CEO of RENK Group AG
Susanne Wiegand has over 20 years of executive experience in defence and engineering. After senior roles at Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems and German Naval Yards, she served as Executive Board Member at Rheinmetall AG and later as CEO of RENK Group AG (2021–2025), leading its successful IPO in 2024. She now invests in defence start-ups and serves on the boards of Volkswagen AG, Brenntag SE, BWI GmbH, and the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Gilles Vanden Burre, Former Member of Parliament at the Belgian Federal Parliament
Gilles Vanden Burre, former Belgian MP and Green Party leader, brings two decades of experience in sustainability, energy transition, and circular economy policy. Before politics, he held management roles in private industry. A frequent media commentator, he holds master’s degrees in business engineering (Louvain) and international relations (Kent) and speaks five languages.

Gunnar Wiegand, Former Managing Director for Asia and the Pacific at the EEAS

Gunnar Wiegand is an expert of geopolitics, having served from 2016 to 2023 as Managing Director for Asia and the Pacific at the EU’s External Action Service. During this time, he led initiatives such as the EU-China Strategic Outlook, the EU-India Strategic Agenda, the EU-Asia Connectivity Strategy (precursor of Global Gateway), and the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy. Prior to this he served from 2008-2015 as Director for Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and the OSCE at the European Commission, and then at the EEAS. He is a visiting professor at Sciences Po and at the College of Europe and a Visiting Distinguished Fellow at the German Marshall Fund.

Sebastián Laiseca Segura, Former Future Combat Air System Director at Indra
Sebastián Laiseca Segura served as Director for the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) at Indra from 2023 to 2025, following senior roles in defence strategy, technology, and digital innovation. He previously lectured at the Madrid Internet of Things Institute and co-founded Laiseca Technologies and IoTIFY, combining experience in aerospace, cybersecurity, and IoT entrepreneurship.

Lars-Olof “Hibbe” Corneliusson, (Swedish Marines), Swedish Armed Forces Reserve
Lars-Olof “Hibbe” Corneliusson is a retired Major General with over 45 years in the Swedish Armed Forces. His final post was Chief of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission in South Korea. He earlier served as Military Advisor to Sweden’s Foreign Minister and Director of Intelligence at the EU Military Staff. He is a fellow of both the Royal Swedish Academy of War Sciences and the Royal Swedish Society of Naval Sciences.

Niels Buus, Board Professional in Defence and Space Industries, Former CEO of GomSpace
Niels Buus is Chairman and partner in several companies, including Spaceline Labs and Formkon A/S, and CEO of Longbus, a consultancy focused on defence and space strategy. From 2014 to 2023, he led GomSpace, a global leader in nanosatellite technology. Earlier, he held multiple executive and board roles across European high-tech ventures, driving innovation in aerospace and advanced systems.

For further information, please contact our Senior Director of Communications, Daniel Puglisi, at dpu@rasmussenglobal.com

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Brussels, Belgium

Monsieur le Haut-Commissaire,

President Charles Michel,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Chers invités,

Thank you for joining us in Brussels.

Today I will speak about the larger Francophone neighbour across the border.

France.

France is a country whose strategic thinking has always shaped Europe’s security.

France has never been a follower in defence; it has been a foundation.

And once again, France is showing leadership.

The Prime Minister has reaffirmed that the annual €3 billion defence budget increase will go ahead in 2026 – alongside €3.5 billion pledged by the President earlier this year.

And with €11 billion in EU loans under the new SAFE instrument, France is now placing defence at the top of its agenda.

That is a strong signal.

To Europe.

To NATO.

And to France’s own citizens.

But stability of spending is not enough.

It must be matched by stability of purpose — and by the support of the people who ultimately pay for and depend on that defence.

Citizens.

Citizens support for defence investment will my central theme today.

To make that case, I will focus on three points:

First, why defending democracy requires investment.

Second, why that investment must be understood and shared by citizens.

And third, how we can renew the link between defence and democracy itself.

First: Defending democracy requires investment

And without defending democracy, there will be no democracy.

Globally, today – we face an axis of autocracies.

Autocracies such as Russia.

Which, in recent weeks, has deployed hybrid attacks against our infrastructure.

Right here in the European Union.

You will have heard of the drones mysteriously appearing over Copenhagen or even the balloons in Lithuania closing airspace.

Cleary investment in defence is no longer optional; it is the price of peace and the condition of freedom.

The Hague Summit set a clear benchmark: allies should reach 5 percent of GDP for defence by 2035.

That will not be easy, especially amid fiscal constraints and social pressures. Some countries like Spain, hesitate.

But as we have learned before, security delayed is security denied.

France’s Military Programming Law — the Loi de programmation militaire — already sets a strong course: an average rise of €3.3 billion per year to reach €67 billion by 2030.

Yet the world is moving faster than those timelines.

As Russia doubles its war production and China tests our resolve, Europe must be ready to accelerate.

Defence is not simply about deterring conflict.

It is about protecting sovereignty in a world where space, cyberspace, and information have become battlefields.

It means building strategic stockpiles, strengthening industrial autonomy, and mastering disruptive technologies — from drones to AI to secure satellite systems.

Let us remember: military superiority today depends on technological sovereignty tomorrow.

If Europe cannot produce what it needs, others will race ahead.

That brings me to my second point.

Second: Investment must be understood and shared by citizens

France is not short of courage or capability.

But like many democracies, it faces a quieter challenge — the challenge of consent.

And like many European nations, the rise of populism.

Defence spending competes with every other public priority.

And citizens will not support what they do not understand.

Recent polls tell us only one in four French citizens strongly supports increased defence budgets.

Only about the same share would be ready to serve in an emergency.

Those numbers are not a sign of weakness — they are a warning about disconnection.

If people see defence as a distant elite concern, they will resist it.

But if they see it as a collective insurance to protect their own families, they will embrace it.

That requires transparency, education, and honest communication.

And we must get citizens involved, as practically as possible.

In Denmark, for example, we have adopted a culture of preparedness — teaching citizens that security begins at home.

Sweden has revived its civil-defence handbook, advising every household what to do in a crisis.

In the Nordics, there is no taboo about having 72 hours of emergency supplies ready.

Such citizen readiness turns them into participants.

We must Europeanise this mentality.

It makes them feel they themselves can make a difference.

France could lead Europe in doing the same — not by militarising society, but by democratising security.

History proves that strong defence and social cohesion are not opposites.

During the Cold War, France devoted 4 to 5 percent of GDP to defence while expanding prosperity, creating industries, and building national pride.

Those investments gave birth to capabilities — nuclear deterrence, submarines, aerospace — that still serve the Republic today.

So let us not frame defence as a drain, but as an investment in peace, technology, and sovereignty.

Which leads to my third and final point.

Third: Renewing the link between defence and democracy

If investment is the hardware of security, citizen support is the software.

Without it, even the best-funded defence will struggle to endure.

We must give citizens not only a reason to believe, but a role to play.

That starts with rebuilding a common narrative — a sense that Europe’s defence is a collective good, not a distant expense.

The Cold War was won not only by missiles, but by meaning — by the conviction that freedom was worth the sacrifice.

Today, we need that same clarity of purpose.

First, we need open communication.

About the threats and hybrid attacks we face and the progress we make — from protecting our skies to strengthening cyber resilience.

If it’s the Russians sending drones into our airspace, we have to call them out publicly.

People defend what they understand.

Second, defence must touch daily life in visible ways:

in schools, through education on resilience and digital security;

in communities, through voluntary service and local preparedness initiatives.

This is how we turn awareness into ownership.

Finally, we must show the civilian benefits of defence investment.

Military research drives innovation that shapes the wider economy — from GPS to the internet, from composite materials to satellite imaging.

Every euro invested in defence technology is also a euro invested in European competitiveness.

France’s vibrant defence industry already demonstrates this dual benefit — supporting jobs, exports, and technological leadership.

And because security in the 21st century cannot stop at national borders, France must continue to drive a European defence strategy — one based on interoperability, joint procurement, and industrial cooperation.

But the key will be speed — because history punishes hesitation.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The lesson of our time is simple:

Democracy cannot survive on goodwill alone; it must be defended — by budgets, by industries, and above all, by citizens.

France has the strategy.

It has the industry.

And it has the history to lead.

Now the task is to bring the people with us — to make them not spectators of security, but shareholders in it.

Thank you very much.

For more information, please contact our Senior Director for Communications, Daniel Puglisi, at dpu@rasmussenglobal.com

As drone activity escalates across European and NATO airspace, Rasmussen Global has launched Dronetex – the Drone Defence Coalition: an industry-led initiative to accelerate Europe’s readiness against unmanned aerial threats.

Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Founder of Rasmussen Global, stated:

“Building on our early support for the drone wall, I have decided to launch Dronetex – the Drone Defence Coalition: an industry-led platform bringing together leading and innovative European and Ukrainian defence tech companies.

Our aim is to build a modular, cost-effective, and multi-layered interoperable network — not a static wall — drawing on Ukrainian battlefield experience, European innovation, and cooperation with the European Commission and other partners.

We expect to field an operational prototype in early 2026, with further capabilities to follow. A live demonstration will be organised to showcase its performance.

Europe needs readiness, speed, and the operationalisation of drone defence as soon as possible. The threat is already real.”

The Dronetex Coalition currently includes: DefSecIntel, Quantum Systems, Weibel, and UMO — with further members expected to join as the initiative expands.

Dronetex represents a decisive step toward a European-led, operational drone defence architecture: scalable, connected, and built for the realities of modern warfare.

For further information, please contact:

Daniel Puglisi, Senior Director of Communications: dpu@rasmussenglobal.com

Arthur De Liedekerke, Senior Director of European Affairs: ali@rasmussenglobal.com

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Brussels, Belgium

Ladies and gentlemen —

Commissioner Kubilius —

Director-General Aschbacher — thank you for the chance to join you today.

And I am grateful for our continued collaboration.

You said last week that “there can be no defence without space — and vice versa.”

I could not agree more.

Since the beginning of the great Space Race, our orbits have been a theatre of geopolitics.

But that has never been more true than it is today.

Investments in space are no longer simply about exploration and innovation here in Europe.

Today, space is a frontline for European security. Threats from our adversaries are growing.

We saw that from the beginning of the war in Ukraine when one of Russia’s very first strikes was against a satellite network here in Europe. Just this month, Britain spoke of Russia’s weekly targeting of its military satellites.

We see it with the challenges posed by companies like SpaceX, which are crowding us out of Low Earth Orbit and consuming scarce orbital resources like spectrum — a direct threat to our sovereignty in space.

And we see it as others race ahead of us in building out their capabilities in our orbits.

For too long, Europe’s ambition in space has lagged behind.

But I am glad — with my friend, Commissioner Kubilius, our first Space Commissioner — that is finally beginning to change.

This is the second space conference we have seen each other at in as many weeks.

I think that is a testament to how important he knows space is.

For European competitiveness.

And for European security.

Europe faces many challenges in space.

But there are three that I would like to focus on today.

The first challenge is reliance.

Europe’s dependency on foreign actors — primarily the United States — for key capabilities.

For launchers. For Earth observation.

And for ISR — Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance.

We must ensure that Europe has these capabilities — which are essential for our defence — independent of the United States.

We have seen the United States cut off satellite imagery to Ukraine.

And we cannot allow that to happen here.

Europe must be able to stand on its own feet.

Which brings me to my second point: Hesitation.

There is far too much timidity from European leaders about going big on defence in and from space.

The inclusion of a Space Shield in Defence Readiness 2030 was a welcome step.

But we must deepen the cooperation between the EU and ESA when it comes to security and defence.

Space technology is dual-use. Which means ESA has a critical role to play in the defence of Europe.

The European Resilience from Space program is an excellent example of how this deeper cooperation can work — bringing together ESA’s technical expertise with the EU’s political weight.

Our adversaries treat space as a battlefield.

They are developing weapons to jam, dazzle, and destroy our satellites.

And they are building constellations that give them real-time intelligence and a global reach.

We need assets to protect our systems in orbit — but also capabilities that deliver services from space to our forces on land, at sea, and in the air.

Space is an expensive domain.

Which means member states cannot go about addressing our vulnerabilities alone.

Doing so will lead to duplication — to less-effective solutions at a higher cost.

We need a European-level approach.

One that ensures we have the capabilities to match those of Russia and China.

Defensively…

And, when required, offensively.

The third challenge we face is a simple one: Money.

We must spend more.

Much more.

Europe’s per capita space spending is eight times less than the United States, and half that of Japan.

In the private sector, we are lagging far, far behind the United States.

Our private sector investment is one-fourth that of America’s.

Our startups are being starved of funding.

And we risk a drain of our brightest space minds at a time when they are needed more than ever.

Fortunately, there is a solution.

In the United States, defence accounts for roughly 60 per cent of space spending. Compared to just 15 per cent in Europe.

If we are to develop our space capabilities, we need to tap into our defence and security budgets.

As one example, I have called for a Nordic satellite constellation for surveillance and secure communications.

One that would spread costs, strengthen our collective defence, and boost our regional space industries at a moment when we are on the geopolitical frontlines.

And I believe we need a European-level space industrial policy.

One that will drive the growth of our space industry — in recognition of its fundamental role in our security.

SpaceX is essential to the US defence and intelligence communities.

Yet we do not have our own answer.

Brussels, we have a problem.

We must find a way to create new space champions.

And support those who are already working to scale.

LiveEO in Germany.

ICEYE in Finland.

Gomspace in my native Denmark.

And so many other new European leaders.

We need to back them with new funding. New ambition.

And new policies that will encourage the growth of our space sector as a pillar of European security.

Ladies and gentlemen —

The European space sector employs over 60,000 skilled workers — and it generates more than 78 billion euros of value to the wider global economy.

We have world-class institutions and we are home to some of the world’s best researchers.

I believe in our potential in space.

That is why I was a proud member of ESA’s High Level Advisory Group.

And it is why I have created a Global Space Council — made up of experts and astronauts from around the world.

We are working to address the crisis being driven by private companies leading the overcrowding of our orbits and the overconsumption of spectrum.

A crisis made possible by outdated rules — dating back to the early days of the Cold War — which have created a dangerous wild west in our orbits.

We need new governmental action and market access rules — and we will be calling on European governments to lead the way.

On the challenges Europe faces, we must act.

If we do not act — and act with urgency — we will be left at the mercy of…

American technology…

Russian and Chinese autocrats…

And erratic American billionaires.

As we increase our defence spending on Earth, we must rapidly increase our investments in space.

We must develop the technologies we need to defend Europe’s sovereignty — working with partners who share our values.

And we must create more opportunities for Europe’s brightest minds here on Earth — to enhance our security and create greater prosperity for us all.

So I will conclude with a quote.

From a great space leader — a long time ago, in a galaxy far, far away.

He said: Do, or do not. There is no try.

Europe is at a critical juncture — and may we rise to the moment together.

Thank you very much.

Rasmussen Global has released a new policy paper, “Sanctions Enforcement Recommendations: Closing Loopholes and Building European Resilience.” The paper sets out actionable, technical steps for EU Member States to reinforce the effectiveness of sanctions against Russia, following the adoption of the 19th EU sanctions package.

On 23 October, these recommendations were presented to the RELEX counsellors: sanctions coordinators representing all 27 EU Member States. The proposals focus on:

• Building a common EU sanctions infrastructure
• Closing circumvention pathways exploited by Russian procurement networks
• Disrupting Russia’s access to high-tech military inputs and post-sale support

These measures are designed to help Ukraine today and strengthen Europe’s security for years to come. We invite policymakers, practitioners, and stakeholders to read the full paper and join the conversation on turning sanctions into real strategic pressure.

The paper can be found here: Sanctions Enforcement Recommendations

In partnership with the European Space Policy Institute, Rasmussen Global hosted a scenario-based workshop at our Brussels office with representatives from the European Commission, European Parliament, European Defence Agency, European Space Agency, Member States, and key industry partners.

The focus was on the mounting risks posed by the deployment of large constellations of satellites by a handful of non-European actors—and we explored critical challenges like increased collision risks, orbital debris, and the overconsumption of scarce orbital and spectrum resources.

The key takeaways from the workshop can be found here: Towards a safe and sustainable space

Thank you to everyone who joined us!

This report highlights key lessons learned from Ukraine in the context of Russian attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure following the full-scale invasion in 2022.

The report focuses on operators of wind, solar, hydro, and nuclear power plants. The findings are based on interviews with stakeholders directly involved in Ukraine’s energy sector, along with insights from a Rasmussen Global field visit to Kyiv in late February 2025, as Ukraine marked the third anniversary of the devastating war launched by Russia. The report has been produced jointly by the Rasmussen Global teams in Copenhagen and Kyiv.

Ukraine’s energy system is highly centralised, in contrast to the decentralised energy networks found
across much of Europe. The war has underscored the need to decentralise Ukraine’s energy system.
This shift aligns with the expertise of companies, whose operations reflect the EU’s decentralized energy
model that Ukraine aspires to emulate. However, preparedness for missile or drone attacks on energy
infrastructure requires measures beyond decentralisation alone. It demands a robust framework of
physical, cyber, and personnel protection protocols – measures Ukrainian companies have been
compelled to adopt over the past three years to adapt to wartime realities.

At the fourth year of the full-scale invasion, it remains early to draw definitive conclusions about what
constitutes a resilient energy system in the current turbulent geopolitical context. However, there are
already valuable lessons emerging from Ukraine at both the operational (company) and policy
(governmental) levels regarding strengthening energy resilience and preparedness in anticipation of
potential hybrid or armed conflicts.

Companies in Europe should adopt a structured approach and review existing risk management
strategies to ensure these are fit-for-purpose in an era marked by increased geopolitical uncertainty.
Governments across Europe need to consider how best to support companies in these efforts, including
creating regulatory frameworks that enhance overall European energy resilience, particularly at the EU
level.

To read the full report: Resilience Under Fire

Sanctions are a vital tool in targeting Russia’s war capabilities.

The EU progressively imposed sanctions against Russia following the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, and in response to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the EU adopted new, sweeping sanctions against Moscow.

However, Russia has been effective at devising schemes for restoring supply chains interrupted by sanctions.

Our sanctions experts at Rasmussen Global have been tracking and shaping the EU’s evolving sanctions regime since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. In our latest paper, we outline opportunities for strengthening Europe’s sanctions regime, and propose new areas to target in order to deprive the Kremlin of the funding it needs to continue its war in Ukraine.

To read the paper, please click here: Rasmussen Global – Sanctions Memo – Fall 2024

Open letter from Anders Fogh Rasmussen and members of the Friends of Armenia Network ahead of COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan

To Those Attending COP29 In Baku,

The irony of the world’s most important climate conference being held in Baku will certainly not be lost on you. Fossil fuels represent 90 per cent of all Azeri exports.

But this year’s COP must not be a repeat of 2023’s greenwashing exercise in Dubai.

Last year, Azerbaijan’s autocratic regime launched a military offensive against the ethnic-Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, leading to the cleansing of approximately 120,000 ethnic Armenians. Following a 2022 incursion into Armenia, Azerbaijan occupies more than 200 sq. kilometers of territory of the Republic of Armenia.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan’s internal repression continues to intensify, with well-documented crackdowns on activists and opposition groups. Azerbaijan has also refused to release Armenian prisoners of war, despite international calls for their repatriation.

Despite peace talks between Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Baku has recently ground negotiations to a halt with increasing demands for concessions from Armenia.

President Aliyev has continued to escalate his rhetoric, having repeatedly described the Republic of Armenia as “western Azerbaijan,” and is drawing closer to Russia, who did nothing as Azerbaijan attacked Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023.

Despite this, and in the face of Armenia’s historic military and economic reliance on Russia, Prime Minister Pashinyan has made the bold decision to consolidate Armenian democracy and seek closer ties with the west—work that we are proud to support.

Yerevan has organized military exercises with the United States, sought new economic ties with Europe, ratified the ICC Rome Statute, and announced its intention to leave the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Russia’s post-Soviet answer to NATO. At a difficult moment for global democracy, Armenia—living in the long shadows of Russia, Turkey, and Iran—is a rare bright spot.

However, cementing Armenia’s democratic foundations and securing a lasting peace in the South Caucasus will ultimately require Europe to play a more concerted role—including at COP29.

Earlier this year, European leaders took a significant step by agreeing to use funds from the European Peace Facility to provide non-lethal defensive equipment to Armenia. More should now follow to enhance Armenia’s deterrence capabilities and lessen its dependence on Russia.

Lethal military aid, joint exercises between European and Armenian forces, and the significant expansion of the EU monitoring mission along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border would be welcome, important, and timely steps towards strengthening Armenia’s defensive capabilities and preventing future Azeri hostility. Europe should also liberalize trade in the service sector with Armenia, which has significant untapped potential.

These proposals form the foundation of a report we authored earlier this year on how to deepen ties between Europe and Armenia.

But equally important this November is the need for those of you attending COP29 to stand up for the values that Europe represents.

Europe has long viewed itself as a neutral arbiter between Azerbaijan and Armenia—but that approach is no longer fit for purpose.

In visiting Baku, you must shine a light on Azerbaijan’s repression at home. You must stand up for democratic Armenia and make clear that Azerbaijan’s hostility is unacceptable—and that further aggression against Armenia would have severe consequences.

Europe remains a major trading partner for Azerbaijan. We have leverage—and we must use it. This must include making clear to Baku that the time has come to reach an agreement for a sustainable peace with Armenia, to secure the safe and dignified return of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the immediate release of all Armenian prisoners of war held in Azerbaijan.

Peace would open the door to new economic opportunities across the South Caucasus. The Armenian government has proposed a “Crossroads of Peace” of energy, transport, and logistics connections across the South Caucasus, which if implemented, could bring significant economic benefits for Europe while advancing the cause of peace in the region.

A peace agreement would reduce Russia’s influence and lay the foundation for Armenia’s continued westward trajectory. But most importantly, an agreement would help usher in a new era of prosperity and security for both Armenians and Azeris at a time when the people of both countries are looking to turn the page on decades of conflict and hostility.

The Aliyev regime have said they want this year’s climate summit to be a “COP of Peace.”

You must make clear to Azerbaijan that a “COP of Peace” must begin by agreeing a lasting peace with Armenia.

Sincerely yours,

As members of the Friends of Armenia Network

Anders Fogh Rasmussen: Secretary General of NATO (2009-2014), Prime Minister of Denmark (2001-2009)

Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz: Member of the European Parliament (2019-…), Prime Minister of Poland (1996-1997), Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs (2001-2005)

Charles Flanagan: Member of the Irish Oireachtas (2020-…), Chair of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence (2020-…), Ireland’s Minister of Justice (2017-2020), Ireland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs (2014-2017)

Raimundas Lopata: Member of the Lithuanian Seimas (2020-…), Chair of the Parliamentary Friendship Group with Armenia (2020-…)

Dietmar Nietan: Member of the German Bundestag (1998-2002, 2005-…), Treasurer of the Social Democratic Party.

Following Russia’s illegal 2022 invasion of Ukraine, President Volodomyr Zelenskyy asked Anders Fogh Rasmussen to co-lead with his chief of staff, Andriy Yermak, an international working group on long-term security commitments for Ukraine. 

The resulting Kyiv Security Compact—a proposal for a web of international security guarantees for Ukraine—became the foundation of a G7 joint declaration on security guarantees co-signed by NATO allies at the 2023 NATO Summit in Vilnius. 23 allies of Ukraine have since signed comprehensive, long-term security agreements, including the United States, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. At the 2024 NATO Summit in Washington, these agreements were formalized in the Ukraine Compact, bringing to life the vision proposed by Anders Fogh Rasmussen and Andriy Yermak. 

While the security agreements outlined in the Ukraine Compact are not a replacement for Ukraine’s future in NATO, they will serve as an important bridge to membership and are unparalleled in modern history. 

Below, you can find an overview of the different Capability Coalitions, as well as a document containing links to the individual security agreements between Ukraine and its allies. 

To access links to individual security agreements, please click here.

Statement by former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen marking the Alliance’s seventy-fifth anniversary:

“Born from the ashes of the Second World War, NATO has maintained peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic for seventy-five years—and it is stronger today than ever before.

As we mark NATO’s seventy-fifth anniversary, it is essential that we prepare our Alliance for the next twenty-five years—and beyond. That means dealing with the reality of a militarised and aggressive Russia. Europe must urgently increase its investments in our collective defence. Europe doing more does not weaken NATO, it reinforces its foundations.

The best response to Russia’s aggression is strength, resolve, and unity. That is what we must show by inviting Ukraine to join the Alliance without delay. Long-term security in the Euro-Atlantic area will only be possible with Ukraine at the heart of NATO.

NATO is the bedrock of security for more than nine hundred and sixty-million people, spanning thirty-two countries across two continents.

Our Alliance is one of history’s great achievements—and may we never take it for granted.”

Former prime ministers, commissioners, ministers, and sitting parliamentarians release report calling for more Europe in Armenia; more Armenia in Europe.

Armenia is pivoting to the West. The European Union has an interest in supporting this reorientation in order to strengthen Armenia’s democracy and help bring lasting peace to the South Caucasus.

The Friends of Armenia Network, led by former Danish Prime Minister and NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, today released a report which outlines a detailed vision for making Armenia’s Western trajectory irreversible.

This approach includes proposals for building up Armenian resilience and lessening its dependence on Russia; deepening trade ties between Armenia and the European Union; and enhancing Armenia’s border security and security cooperation with Europe.

Ultimately, the report argues that Armenia’s accession to the European Union is central to making Armenia’s foreign policy pivot and democratic transition last.

Speaking following the release of the report, Anders Fogh Rasmussen said:

“Armenia is a democracy in an incredibly difficult geopolitical neighbourhood. Prime Minister Pashinyan’s government has made the courageous decision to diversify Armenia’s foreign policy and move towards the West.

“The world’s democracies—and the European Union, in particular—must act to support Armenia in this pivot.

“This support has become even more important following Azerbaijan’s 2023 offensive against the ethnic-Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the continued threat posed by Azeri forces.

“Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has shown that the European Union must do far more to stand up for democracies in its direct neighbourhood.

“Europe has an opportunity to support a stable democracy and lasting peace in the South Caucasus. Today’s report outlines the tangible steps that can and should be taken, ultimately leading to Armenia joining the European Union.”

The full report is available here: FAN Report – Deepening EU-Armenia relations

List of signatories:

Anders Fogh Rasmussen: Chairman of the Friends of Armenia Network, Founder of Rasmussen Global, NATO Secretary General (2009-2014), Prime Minister of Denmark (2001-2009).

Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz: Member of the European Parliament (2019-…), Prime Minister of Poland (1996-1997), Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs (2001-2005).

Štefan Füle: European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy (2010-2014), Minister of European Affairs of the Czech Republic (2009).

Charles Flanagan: Member of the Irish Oireachtas (2020-…), Chair of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence (2020-…), Ireland’s Minister of Justice (2017-2020), Ireland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs (2014-2017).

Raimundas Lopata: Member of the Lithuanian Seimas (2020-…), Chair of the Parliamentary Friendship Group with Armenia (2020-…)

Dietmar Nietan: Member of the German Bundestag (1998-2002, 2005-…), Treasurer of the Social Democratic Party.

Anne-Laurence Petel: Member of the French Assemblée nationale (2017-…), Chair of the Parliamentary Friendship Group with Armenia (2022-…).

As observers:

Dalia Grybauskaitė: President of Lithuania (2009-2019), EU Commissioner for Budget (2004-2009).

Thorniké Gordadzé: Georgia’s State Minister for Euro-Atlantic Integration (2012), Georgia’s Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs (2010-2012).

Peter Semneby: EU Special Representative to the South Caucasus (2006-2011).

The report was drafted by the independent Friends of Armenia Network and does not represent the policy of the Armenian government.

Since March 2023, Rasmussen Global has been working with the Armenian government to improve connections with the European Union and the wider democratic world.